“Rome is Burning”

Reader alert/warning—another state budget impasse column! 

There are reports that Illinois State Senate leaders from both political parties are close to  unveiling a tax increase proposal that would raise about $5 billion a year to address the lack of a  balanced state budget. 

Unfortunately, this alone will not get the job done. Bitter medicine, probably undrinkable  to most, is required to rescue the state. 

Our lawmakers have never contemplated actions—all politically painful—of the  magnitude the economists suggest will be necessary. 

I recently wrote a piece for the Taxpayers’ Federation of Illinois, a business group, in  which I review a paper by state budget experts David Merriman and Dick Dye.  The two economists say the state has a $13 billion gap between $73 billion in annual  expenditures and $60 billion in revenue. 

They project the state will have to raise at least $7.6 billion more in annual revenue and make draconian, progressively larger cuts in state spending over 10 years in order to bring the  state’s fisc back into balance. 

[The situation is probably even worse than the economists suggest. Their projections do  not include a plan to pay off $12 billion in unpaid bills, and they also project highly optimistic  future state economic growth.]

History suggests Illinois elected officials can resolve big fiscal problems—if everyone  works together. 

During the Great Depression of the 1930s, the legislature met almost continuously. A bi partisan, two-thirds majority of legislators ultimately responded to Gov. Henry Horner’s plea to  enact a new sales tax (while scotching the statewide property tax) to meet a relief crisis facing  more than a million unemployed. 

In 1969, political adversaries Gov. Richard Ogilvie and Chicago mayor Richard Daley  worked behind the scenes throughout a six-month legislative session to fashion a bi-partisan  majority for a new income tax.  

(By the way, a green-as-grass new legislator that year, I voted for the income tax and was  re-elected—without opposition—a year later. In today’s brutal, name-calling political  environment, no lawmaker who supports tax increases could expect anything other than to be  skewered by the opposition in a re-election bid, which is part of the present problem.) 

The present political environment is more much divisive, “toxic” is a word I see used  often, than it was in those earlier days. Back then, each side’s political top dogs actually talked to  one another, something our governor and House speaker have not done in more than two years. 

If lawmakers cannot stomach more than $5 billion in tax increases, then spending cuts  will have to be even more severe than Merriman and Dye suggest, if the fiscal situation is ever to  be stabilized. 

The economists dismiss cuts, for example, in most of the state budget, to include  pensions, Medicaid, distributions to local governments and K-12 education. They say these  programs are protected, respectively, by the courts, the federal government and political  popularity.

I think, however, each of these “protected” areas has to be cut, at least somewhat. Lawmakers will almost certainly look at sleight-of-hand savings to the state budget,  which would simply shift present state burdens to local governments. 

This might include devolving the “normal cost” for teachers’ pensions to the local school  districts (“save” close to $2 billion in state spending). Lawmakers could also reduce income and  sales tax dollars that now go automatically to municipalities and counties (pick a number from  the $3.5 billion total in annual distributions). 

But then how could lawmakers justify a property tax freeze on those governments,  something the governor insists upon? 

And even though state funding for higher education has been cut in recent years, the  sector still stands out there, unfortunately, as a target atop a fence post, subject to more cuts. Public colleges and universities will have to reinvent themselves to live with less. To  save the diamonds, many programs, maybe even institutions, will have to be down-sized, even  shuttered. 

University of Illinois president Timothy Killeen has cried from the heart, “Rome is  burning.” 

Yet the University of Illinois can still be anything—but not everything—it wants to be. And state employees will have to accept freezes on their pay and at the same time kick in  to their health care coverage. 

Even if all the above, excruciating cuts are made, I don’t see the total adding up to  anything close to the $8 billion or so needed (a $13 billion gap at present between spending and  revenue, minus say $5 billion in new revenues) to stabilize the fiscal situation.

The bottom line is, painful for me to write, that Illinois will have to adjust, for some years  to come, our once-towering aspirations for greatness to the humble mediocrity of our  circumstances.

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